Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 2, No. 10 (March 11, 1967), pp. 521–523
IN HIS ARTICLE “Electoral Participation and Political Integration” Gopal Krishna has made some observations on the impact of competitive electoral politics in India. Although I am broadly in agreement with some of his observations, it seems to me that the author has presented a misleading picture of the development of Muslim politics in India. In the present note, therefore, I wish to offer a few comments on his paper.
It is Gopal Krishna’s contention that competitive politics operating through the system of free elections has drawn very differently situated people into the political process. Thus, the Indian Muslim community which has generally held aloof from the political process is showing signs of increased electoral activity. It no longer operates as a monolithic entity. On the contrary, as a result of competitive politics, Muslim political leaders are promoting the slow integration of their community into the emerging secular society.
Role of Majlis-e-Mushawerat
I am entirely in agreement with Gopal Krishna’s observation that Indian Muslims are taking an increasing part in the political process in the country. As he himself so admirably demonstrates, the number of Muslim candidates seeking election to the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies has increased substantially since the first General Election and Muslim candidates contesting election on the tickets of national parties have improved their share of the total votes polled.
However, I find myself unable to agree with his view that these trends necessarily imply that Muslims are becoming increasingly secularised politically or that communal solidarity is being subjected to pressure by electoral competition.
The available evidence goes to suggest that Indian Muslims, particularly in North India, are trying to consolidate themselves politically so as to be able to influence the political process directly.
The most obvious indication of the tendency towards political consolidation by Indian Muslims is provided by the emergence of the Majlis-e-Mushawerat as a strong Muslim organisation in the North Indian region. The Majlis was originally founded in 1964 following the communal disturbances which took place in some of the eastern and central Indian States. The principal objective of the Majlis was to create a consciousness among the national political leaders of the special problems faced by the Indian Muslim community, and to call for the creation of adequate safeguards to protect the community from repeated outbursts of communal frenzy.
In pursuance of its objective the Majlis formulated a nine-point mandate. It was placed before the national political leaders and the ruling party for acceptance. It was argued that the acceptance of the mandate was to constitute the basis of the continuation of Muslim political support for the Congress Party. Although Muslims had generally stood behind the Congress in the past, such support would not be forthcoming unless the Congress Party accepted the Majlis mandate. However, despite the threat of withdrawal of political support, the Congress Party refused to give formal recognition to the mandate of the Majlis.
The refusal to accept the mandate encouraged the Majlis to undertake electoral activity. However, the Majlis had always described itself as a non-political organisation and it could not directly enter the electoral arena. Moreover, as Gopal Krishna has rightly pointed out, for election to the legislatures the Muslims have to depend upon non-Muslim voters, and its own candidates had few chances of getting elected, except in Murshidabad, which is the only Muslim-majority district in the country.
Consequently, instead of putting up its own candidates, the Majlis entered into political alliances with the opposition parties. In Uttar Pradesh it supported a large number of candidates who had expressed their acceptance of the nine-point mandate and agreed to work for their recognition by the Government. Its leaders asked Muslim voters to vote against the Congress in favour of the Majlis-supported candidates.
Majlis Opposes Congress
It is not possible for me here to present a detailed analysis of the political affiliations of the candidates whom the Majlis lent its support. In general, however, the majority of candidates supported by it were Independents; a few were Socialists and Communists; and one was a Jan Sanghist. All Congress candidates, except one, were opposed by the Majlis.
It might be argued that the pattern of political alliances with other political parties goes to substantiate Gopal Krishna’s central argument that Muslims are broadening their political base. It is necessary to remember, however, that the coming together of Hindu and Muslim communal parties is nothing new; it has been a common phenomenon of Indian politics. In fact, as Abid Husain has rightly suggested, Hindu communalism and Muslim communalism, even with different aims, are capable of working together.
Moreover, it will be seen that the political alliances with other political parties were not inspired on the part of the Majlis by any genuine desire for political integration. It was only intended to show to the Congress Party that Muslims could exercise a significant influence in the politics of the country. The leaders of the Majlis repeatedly stated in their pre-election speeches that they had stood behind the Congress in the hope that it would further the cause of secularism in the country and that they were opposing the Congress only to show that without Muslim support it could not fare so well. It is doubtful that in the absence of a more stable Muslim political basis alliance with other political parties will last very long.
I am afraid that Gopal Krishna is placing the emphasis in the wrong place. In a multi-religious society the burden of becoming secularised rests with the dominant majority community. A careful perusal of the election statistics will reveal that Muslim candidates have so far been generally sponsored by national political parties in areas which contain a substantial number of Muslim voters. Moreover, they stand fewer chances of victory against Hindu candidates in straight or triangular contests. If a Muslim candidate can win an election from a predominantly Hindu constituency, then we may claim that the process of political integration is at work. I wonder if the political process in India today is moving in that direction.
Footnotes
- Gopal Krishna, “Electoral Participation and Political Integration,” Economic and Political Weekly, Annual Number, February 1967, pp. 179–190.
- Ibid., p. 179.
- Ibid., p. 187.
- Ibid., p. 185.
- For the history of the Majlis-e-Mushawerat, see “Hamara Maushoor,” Lucknow, 1967.
- See A. J. Faridi, Letter to the Editor, National Herald, January 29, 1967.
- See Qaid Daily, February 20, 1967, p. 3.
- Abid Husain, The Destiny of Indian Muslims, Bombay, 1965, p. 16.
- These observations are based upon a field trip made by the author to some of the rural areas in Barabanki District in eastern Uttar Pradesh.
Author(s): Imtiaz Ahmed
Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Mar. 11, 1967, Vol. 2, No. 10 (Mar. 11, 1967), pp. 521–523
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4357688
